IRON AND STEEL TECHNOLOGY IN HISPANO-ARABIC AND EARLY CASTILIAN WRITTEN SOURCES

RESUMEN This work comprises an evaluation of Hispano-Arabic and early Castilian literary evidence in relation to iron and steel technology. The study has led to significant conclusions concerning materials and processes involved in the ferrous metallurgy in al-Andalus and Castile during the time period ca 950-1400. Este trabajo ha evaluado fuentes literarias hispano-árabes y castellanas medievales relativas a la tecnología de hierro y acero. El estudio ha rendido conclusiones significativas acerca de la metalurgia férrea en al-Andalus y Castilla durante el período ca 950-1400.


INTRODUCTION
While more comprehensive archaeometallurgical investigations on the iron and steel technology in other parts of the early Islamic world have been carried out, this is not the case for al-Andalus.Unfortunately, we can instead observe a few precipitated and unreferenced statements concerning the technological situation in this geographical area, along the lines of those countered by Bronson 1986, in his discussion on crucible steel production.The present work does not aspire to be exhaustive, but should rather be viewed as a first step towards the description of the iron and steel industry in medieval Spain.
For a discussion on the circumstances in regard to the ferrous metallurgical technology known and employed in medieval Spain, analytical investigations of archaeological material are necessary, applying methods such as microstructural and compositional analyses.We shall, however, also see that the particular terminology used by both Christian and Muslim authors in medieval Spain to describe iron and steel production, as well as the manufacture of specific items, give us certain indications in regard to material qualities and metallurgical processes.As a consequence of this, it is of crucial importance to also examine the written evidence in order to assess the general technological situation in al-Andalus during the time period under study.
The Andalus@ ı literary sources provide us with valuable indications for the discussion of medieval iron and steel technology of medieval Spain, and further information is derived It is one of the best known stones used by man.There are those of weak and those of strong nature, and those that become stronger when they are plunged into water while hot; others, even though plunged into water while hot, they remain weak.There is iron to which, upon melting, medicaments are added by which it makes itself so strong that it cuts the other irons, and this the Moors call alhinde, and in some lands it is named andanico.There is another [kind of iron] which is not made artificially, but instead is strong in itself, thus cutting the weakest iron, and this one is called azero (Alfonso X 1980, 27).
Even though applying the term 'stone' (piedra), Alfonso X is without doubt discussing different iron-carbon alloys.The early lapidaries are generically terming minerals, metals and other materials, such as pearls, as 'stones'.

STEEL AND STEELED IRON
The medieval Castilian azero/açero refers to directly smelted steel, and the method used for its production would be the reduction of iron ores in a furnace using charcoal, in accordance with conclusions from earlier research carried out on medieval European steelmaking.
The only reference to shab¨rq˝n in al-Andalus known so far is that under the entry h≥ ad@ ıd in the work of Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝r.We are fortunate, for he gives both the Persian term, ie shab¨rq˝n, and two related Arabic terms, dak@ ır and ast≥ ˝m (Dozy 1881, I:653).In the Andalus@ ı Arabic-Castilian dictionary by Alcalá from 1505, dak@ ır is translated to azero, ie 'steel'.Corriente's etymological research has shown that dak@ ır and its related term mudhakkar appear both in Hispano-Arabic prose and poetry (Corriente 1997, 193).
The Books of Astronomical Knowledge (Libros del Saber de Astronomia) from ca 1277, also these an assignment of Alfonso X, describe the making astronomical instruments of different kinds, as well as their applications.The second book, which treats the manufacture of astrolabes, was written by the learned Isaac ibn S@ ıd, also known as Rabiçag, of Toledo.When describing the making of the spherical astrolabe, the author gives instructions of how, and with what tools, lines should be cut into the surface of the finished brass globe.The lines needed to be neatly cut into the metal surface of the sphere by means of a two-legged compass especially made for the purpose.Describing one of the legs of the compass, he says; ...This movable shank should be of steel (açero), or of Indian steel (alfinde), so that you can cut into the brass with it (Alfonso X 1863, 118).
The steel quality alfinde noted in the quotation, will be dealt with under its heading further on in this paper.The term mudhakkar (male, masculine), is applied by al-Kind@ ı to describe the 'natural steel ', shab¨rq˝n (al-Kind@ ı 1952, 5).In the context of steelworking, mud in the Andalus@ ı Arabic vocabulary additionally describes a metallurgical technique, which was applied in the manufacture of iron-steel composites.Writing in Nas≤ rid Granada in the 14th century, Ibn Hudhayl affirms that the term has this connotation, when describing the difference between Frankish blades and those made of Indian steel (from the French translation by Mercier): If the two edges are made of steel while the blade itself is made of iron the sword is said to be mudhakkar, which is the case with Frankish swords.The Arabs state that their manufacture is the work of jinns: they withstand better the blows delivered with them also during cold weather, not like the hind@ ı blade that often breaks when the weather is cold and shows itself better when it is warm.
Here we can note that Ibn Hudhayl had detailed knowledge concerning the method of welding steel edges onto a softer iron core, in order to achieve a more flexible blade, and perhaps also to economise with the steel.This type of blade construction was common in other parts of Europe (Tylecote and Gilmour 1986), and Ibn Hudhayl's familiarity with its manufacture most probably indicates its employment within or in the proximities of the Taifa of Granada.It should be added here, that for the Muslim inhabitants of al-Andalus, Franks would primarily indicate Christians in the Iberian peninsula, even if other Europeans were also identified by this term.
The Castilian evidence examined here also give information concerning artefacts consisting of both iron and steel, but the sources are unfortunately not as specific as the Andalus@ ı in providing information of the technique by which the iron was steeled.Before making any statements we shall consider another sentence from the The Books of Astronomical Knowledge: Gladius XX, 2000 ...Take a rod of Indian steel (alfinde) or of steeled iron (fierro calçado con açero), and make a very sharp point (Alfonso X 1863, 129).
We can note here that both Indian steel (which again will be treated under its proper heading further on) and steeled iron could be used for the same technical purpose.Instead of employing the term 'azero/açero', 'fierro calçado con açero' is used, the latter terminology possibly describing an additional material quality.In modern Castilian, the verb calzar literally means to coat or to cover, and here it appears to be used to describe the action of giving an iron object a steel surface or edge.The most common method for steeling iron, which is also documented in archaeological contexts, appears to have been the forge-welding of a piece of steel onto a piece of iron or between two iron laminas, using, for example, quartz as flux in order to keep the surfaces to be joined free of oxides, and to liquidise the oxides already present there.This would also give the object a hardenable material where desired, for example the edge of a tool.Microstructural analyses of 9th-11th century knife blades from the Hispano-Islamic city of Vascos, close to Toledo, has indeed yielded evidence for the lamination technique, where two of the blades had a steel piece, forming the edge, welded in between two pieces of iron.Furthermore, bainitic structures in the edge of one of the blades affirmed that the implement had been quench-hardened and subsequently tempered (Karlsson, forthcoming).
The other possible technique for steeling iron is the surface carburising, or case hardening, of an iron object, most likely in a receptacle of some sort together with carboniferous material, and placed in a hearth or forge.This would give a hardenable surface layer of steel, for example, in the edge of a knife.As the description in the text of Alfonso X concerns a fine rod for incising lines in a brass surface, it seems less likely that a steel tip or point would have been welded onto an iron rod, because of the small size of the object.It is hard and awkward to forge-weld smaller objects, as it is difficult to control the welding temperatures the smaller the object.The heating of a minute steel piece could easily destroy the material by burning, as in contact with air a strong oxidising reaction takes place.But then, the question is why ordinary medium-carbon steel was not used, which would have been easier than both welding and surface carburisation.It is seen as possible, though, that steeled iron implies surface carburising of the incising tool.Fell and Salter (1998) found examples of Early Iron Age axeheads from England with carburised surfaces, even though they mention the possibility of this being the result of an accidental process in the hearth.It is not possible, however, to conclude anything further from the above examined information.
No applications of the Arabic term ast≥ ˝m in the Andalus@ ı sources have been found, other than that by Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝r.Dozy also only mentions Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝rs's reference, and Lane (1984) does not have any entry for the term.However, there are similar terms, such as sat≤ h≤ , sut≤ ¨h≤ and ast≥ ah≥ , meaning 'surface'.The related verb nisat≥ ˝h≥ /sat≥ ˝h≥ t, as indicated by de Alcalá, bears the significance 'to floor' or 'to pave' (Corriente 1997, 251), and this possibly indicates that ast≤ ˝m is an additional term for the Arabic mudhakkar, or the Castilian hierro calçado con açero, ie 'steel-clad iron'.Before we can accept this hypothesis, though, it is necessary to encounter further evidence for the use of the term in similar contexts.
As a concluding remark on 'steel', we have an unusual opportunity to directly derive its counterparts in three languages, namely Persian, Arabic and Castilian, which is also a further example of the complex linguistic, cultural and technological environment that Spain represented during the time period under study.Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝r's reference to the Persian shab¨rq˝n shows that its Arabic synonym dak@ ır.The early Andalus@ ı Arabic-Castilian dictionaries indicate that dak@ ır signifies azero, and the reference by Alfonso X to azero as deriving from a direct smelting process, shows that directly smelted steel equals the Persian shaburqan and the Arabic dak@ ır.

Indian steel
Earlier discussions on the subject of Islamic ferrous metallurgy has shown that the term Indian, ie a l-hi nd a n d va r ia nt s s uc h a s m uh an na d , hi n di y y a, a n d h in du w˝ n @ ı r e f e r t o th e s te e l q ua li ty ( Y ul e a nd Co r d ie r 1 97 5, 93 ) , a n d f u r th e r mor e , t h a t i t s ma ki n g in v ol ve d a c r u c ib le p r oce ss r a t h e r t h a n t he a c tu a l ge og r a p hi c a l o r i g in ( Br o ns on 19 86 ; L a n g e t a l . 1 99 8) .W hi l e a s se s si ng t he in f o r ma ti ve va lu e o f Hi s pa no -I s la mi c p oe t r y f r o m t he e l e v e n t h c e n tu r y , Pé r è s pe r c e i v e d t ha t th e t e r m I nd ia n a p pl ie d t o t he q ua l it y o f bl a d e s, i mpl yi ng th a t th e ma t e r ia l w a s p r od uc e d in Spa in .H e th o ug ht , h ow e v e r , t ha t i t w a s e mp l oy e d on ly t o d e s c r i be b l a d e s of e xc e ll e n t q ua li t y, w it ho ut e n te r in g th e d is c us si on of c r uc ib le st e e l ma n uf a c t ur e ( Pé r è s 1 99 0 , 35 5) .
The reference to the earliest use of Indian steel in al-Andalus is made by Ibn al-Khat@ ≤ ıb, writing in 13th century Granada.This historian records that during the attack on Barcelona in 985, the soldiers of al-Mans≤ ¨r, effective ruler of the Cordoba Caliphate at the end of the tenth century, were equipped with armour pieces of Indian steel, qar˝mid al-hind, to protect their arms against the sword blows of the Franks (Vallvé Bermejo 1980, 213).The singular for this term is qarm@ ıd, meaning piece of armour (Alcalá 1988).The entry for this word in Corriente's Andalus@ ı Arabic dictionary (1997,425) indicates that the word also applies to roof tiles, for which reason we can assume that this particular armour, supposedly then of curved and tile-like shape, was made to fit arms, which is confirmed by Ibn al-Khat@ ≤ ıb, and perhaps also legs.
Ibn al-Khat≤ @ ıb further notes that, during the reign of al-Mans≤ ¨r in the 10th century, there were two important workshops for the production of arms and armour at Cordoba and at Mad@ ına al-Zahr˝'.The one at Cordoba was supervised by Ab¨ al-Abb˝s al-B˝ghdad@ ı, and the other, at the caliphal city of Mad@ ına al-Zahr˝', was run by T≥ alh≥ a al-S≥ aqlab@ ı.These two industrial centres had to produce 13000 shields and 12000 Arab and Turkish bows altogether annually, the manufacture being split equally between the two.The monthly production of arrowheads reached the impressive number of 20000 (Vallvé Bermejo 1980, 214).Considering the great capacity for arms and armour production at Cordoba, which clearly reflects the war capacity of the Caliphate, it seems most likely that the armour of Indian steel worn by al-Mans≥ ¨r's soldiers, mentioned earlier, was produced in the workshops at Cordoba.
In the biography of Y¨suf ibn T˝shf@ ın (died 1106), mostly based on the report written by al-Bay˝s@ ı (died 1255), al-Khallik˝n refers to letters sent to the Christian kings of the peninsula by the Abbadid ruler in Seville, Mut'amid, informing them of the danger of further advances into Muslim territories.After this, when Mut'amid once again felt the impact of the Christian attacks, he felt forced to ask the fanatical Y¨suf ibn T˝shf@ ın and his Almoravid troops for help against the Christian king, Alfonso IV, in 1086.Y¨suf first intervened with his main power, a bodyguard consisting of 4000 mounted black warriors, at the battle of al-Zall˝qa, near Badajoz.According to al-Khallik˝n, the bodyguard of Y¨suf used swords of Indian steel (suy¨f al-hind), together with shields and javelins, in this battle (Hoffmann 1995, 243-8).We do not know whether all of the warriors used such swords, as this is not specified, but what is far more important than their numbers, is to remark that they were in use.It seems likely that the weaponry was brought from Almoravid North Africa, as the troops went directly from Algeciras to the battle.The swords were thus brought over the Straight of Gibraltar, and it appears most likely that they were also manufactured in North Africa.There is of course a possibility that the blades had been previously imported, but on the other hand, it must have been crucial for any ruler to provide his standing force with weapons from their regular armoury, without having to depend on other sources for war equipment.The making of Indian steel in this area, more specifically in Ceuta, is furthermore confirmed by a Castilian source from the latter part of the 13th century, and this will be dealt with further on under this heading together with other Castilian written evidence for this steel quality, for reasons of consistency.
Among the arms and armour mentioned in a poem by Ibn al-Labb˝na (died 1113), who was tied to the Abbadid court of Mut'amid at Seville, a sword is referred to as sayf muhannad.Pérès points out that the poet appears to have deliberately grouped the different weapons and armour together (Pérès 1990, 355).Whichever the case might be, it is clear that the author had a thorough knowledge of weaponry, describing them and their materials in detail.
The Almoravid poet Ab¨ Bakr al-S≥ ayraf@ ı, writing at the beginning of the twelfth century, provides us with some information concerning his view of the quality of Indian steel.After the Almoravids lost a battle against the Christians, the poet permitted himself to give advice on changes in tactics and weaponry that he thought appropriate.Among other things, he suggested that thin-bladed hinduw˝n@ ı swords should be used, as they were sharper than other swords, thus piercing the heavy armour worn by the Christian soldiers more easily (Pérès 1990, 355).
There is a passage in the geographical treatise (Kit˝b al-Ja'r˝fiyya) by al-Zuhr@ ı, which is of outmost relevance to the discussion of indigenous production of {al-hind} in al-Andalus, as it is the first reference to its making at a specific site, ie Seville.Hadj-Sadok, who edited and commented al-Zuhr@ ı's work, finds it most likely that the author was Andalus@ ı (al-Zuhr@ ı 1968, 24).The piece of information provided by al-Zuhr@ ı, seems to be his own annotation, as he does not refer to an earlier author, while other parts of the treatise are attributed to earlier writers.Thus, when al-Zuhr@ ı wrote, ie by the late 12th century, Indian steel or al-hind, was manufactured in the city of Seville (al-Zuhr@ ı 1968, 92).
An author contemporaneous with al-Zuhr@ ı, was the agronomist Ibn al-'Aww˝m, active in Seville during the latter part of the 12th century, and possibly also in the beginning of the 13th century.In his Book of Agriculture (Kit˝b al-Fil˝h≥ a), the author discusses remedies for curing wounded or sick animals.Ibn al-'Aww˝m mentions a number of surgical instruments and their making, and recommends that a specific instrument should be made of h≥ ad@ ıd hind@ ı, and that it had to be very sharp (Ibn al-'Aww˝m 1988 II, 582).As this instrument was intended for surgery close to eye of the animal, a task calling for high precision, this again indicates that early authors attributed high edge qualities to Indian steel.
Mirrors were manufactured from steel in early Islamic times, and literary evidence of their existence in al-Andalus is provided by contemporaneous writers.The Andalusi traveller Ibn Jubayr (1145-1219) states, when discussing a mineral, that its properties were 'very black and very shiny, of a kind that reflects the image of people entirely, as if it was a recently polished Indian steel mirror (mir˝t hind@ ıyya)'.Ibn al-Khat≤ @ ıb compares the appearance of the Granada sky one day with a mirror, saying; 'When we arrived in Granada, the sky was polished like a double-edged sword, as clear as an Indian steel mirror (mir˝t al-hind) (Dozy and Engelmann 1869, 142-3)'.We here see that when intending to describe a great degree of clearness, the Andalusi authors relate to the polished surface of Indian steel mirrors.Earlier linguistic research has shown that the Arabic term al-hind, as applying to steel, found its way into the medieval Castilian vocabulary as one of the variations alfinde, alhinde, alhynde and alinde (Dozy and Engelmann 1869; Casares 1915; Corriente 1997).The mentioned authors reflected on the significance of the Castilian Arabism alhinde, and its application in medieval Castilian literature, and their common conclusion has been that the significance of the term was exclusively that of 'steel' or 'steel imported from India', without further explanation.
The first question to arise should be why the Arabic term was ever employed for the alloy, if the plain significance was that of 'steel'.It is worth noting that the conventional medieval Castilian word for steel, ie azero/açero, which derives from the Latin Aciarium, was not adopted to describe al-hind/Indian steel.One would perhaps have expected azero/açero together with an implication to the geographical origin of the material, ie India.It is thus concluded here, that the Arabic term described a steel quality for which there was no corresponding term in Castilian, ie crucible steel.Subsequently, this would indicate that this kind of steel was introduced to the Iberian peninsula during Islamic rule, before the Christian conquest.
As we have seen, it is attested in the Lapidary that alhinde is steel resulting from a secondary process, by the reference to certain substances that needed to be added to the iron during a melting operation, which produced a very kind of steel.It is significant that reference is made to the great hardness of this steel, by stating that it cuts all other kinds of iron.The veracity of the assertion in regard to the material hardness is strengthened both by early Islamic writings, as we have seen earlier.The early sources especially describe blades of Indian steel as being very hard, brittle and prone to breaking, often in cold weather.Moreover, it should be noted, that the name for this steel, that is, alhinde, is derived from the word generally used by the Moors, apart from the already attested use of the term in the Arabic scientific and geographical treatises already mentioned.As we have noted earlier, in the Books of Astronomical Knowledge, alfinde was applied in the manufacture of cutting implements used for engraving the brass surfaces of astronomical instruments.
Three early Castilian texts were compiled by Father Sebastián of Vergara in the 18th century, in the work named The Life of Saint Domingo of Silos (La Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos).One of the texts, called The Miracles of Saint Domingo of Silos, which was written in the 13th century by Pero Marín (died ca 1293), should be drawn to our attention.A part of this text treats the misfortune of a certain Domingo Bono during the year 1285.This Christian was captured by a band of slave-traders and sold twice, ending up in Ceuta, which is now Spanish territory on the North African coast bordering Morocco, as a slave working for a Muslim master.The passage is concise and clear, and it provides us with details such as precise dates and locations, and even the prices the man was sold for.The mentioned meticulousness underlines the informative value of the passage.The indication of the location for this steel industry, Ceuta, is moreover significant, as it is the first known reference to Indian steel being made there.The text is therefore translated to English and quoted here (Castilian text edited by Karl-Heinz Anton 1988): He was put in strong irons [by the Moors], and at daytime he made alhynde, which is of such importance for warring, being a very strong steel from which they forge swords and azagayas.At nighttime he was kept in quarters deep underground (Marín 1988, 136-7).
In this text, it is possible to remark a description which obviously refers to the process of making of Indian steel, and subsequently that it was used to produce weapons such as swords and throwing-spears.As a note, it should be mentioned that according the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (1992), the Castilian azagaya, meaning throwing-spear, stems from the Berber al-zagh˝yya.The words 'alhynde' being a very strong steel from which they make swords and azagayas' is evidently an allusion to the fact that the Moors made and worked this material.This is also confirmed in the Lapidary of Alfonso X ca 1278, which has already been dealt with earlier on in this paper, and this seems to indicate that Christians did not produce the material.It is however important to stress that the Christians were aware of the qualities of this 'very strong steel', even though it might have been that its manufacture was in the hands of Muslim steelmakers.

Gladius XX, 2000
Moreover, Domingo Bono seems to have been involved only in the manufacture of the steel, and not in the actual making of objects.This implies that slave labour was used, at least by the Muslims of al-Andalus, for heavy work such as iron and steelmaking.We can assume that specialised smiths were involved in the manufacture of weapons and tools, as this would require more experience.
The reference to andanico in the Lapidary, as being an additional term for alhinde, proves to be very valuable.Marco Polo, travelling in Central Asia at the end of the 13th century, contemporaneously to the writing of the Lapidary, remarks on the ondanique of Kirm˝n in present-day Iran, and in Chingintalas, a region to the north of Tibet according to Yule and Cordier (1975).The Lapidary conveniently affirms that andanico in fact is synonymous with Indian steel.Moreover, the text indicates that the material was known also under this name in the Christian society of medieval Spain.

F¨l˝dh
For the Islamic authors, Indian steel was synonymous with crucible steel, even if the term al-hind, with its variants, was not the only term applied for this material throughout the Islamic world.Renowned Near and Middle Eastern Muslim authors, such as al-Kind@ ı, al-Bir¨n@ ı and al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı, refer to steel manufactured by crucible processes applying the term f¨l˝dh.al-Kind@ ı describes the manufacture of f¨l˝dh, saying; As for the iron which is not mined, it is f¨l˝dh, which means purified.It is made from mined iron by throwing onto it during the melting something which purifies it, and makes its softness strength, so that it becomes very pliable, accepts quenching and its damask [firind] appears in it (Allan 1979, 75).
The following statement by al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı illustrates the early Islamic view on f¨l˝dh adequately: As to things which are made from these minerals [iron ores], the f¨l˝dh is the deadliest and most powerful, the noblest and the most eminent product (Cahen 1948, 127).
In his treatise, Tabs≥ irat al-Arb˝b al-Alb˝b, which al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı wrote around 1187 AD for the Ayy¨bid conqueror of Jerusalem, Saladh al-D@ ın (1138-93), there are descriptions for the making of different kinds of f¨l˝dh.As an example, al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı describes the making of f¨l˝dh Sulaym˝n@ ı, for the making of blades with the same name, in the following manner: Twenty dirhams of cultivated myrobalans, seven dirhams of manganese and five dirhams of scammony should be ground together well.This mixture should then be added to three rat≥ l of shab¨rq˝n in a crucible, which should be sealed with a clay lid pierced by a hole, permitting the observation of the crucible charge during the melting operation.When the ingredients had liquidised completely, the crucible was left to cool, and the ingot was subsequently extracted (R˝ghib 1997, 68).
It is not likely that the steelmakers themselves were following recipes, but rather that they had life-long experience of the procedures.Therefore, the process, on which the above recipe is based, was most likely employed by the steelmakers in Ayy¨bid Egypt or Syria, who would then have provided al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı with this information.As we have no reason to doubt that crucible steel in fact was produced in mid and late-12th century Egypt, al-T≥ ars¨s@ ı's description of such a process is the closest and therefore the most relevant available parallel, both in time and space, to the discussion of crucible steels in medieval Spain.
An early reference to f¨l˝dh by an Andalus@ ı author dates to the end of the tenth century, when Idr@ ıs al-Yam˝n@ ı in a poem describes that certain shields made of hardened leather were capable of withstanding, and even cracking, the purest f¨l˝dh.The fact that the poet comments on the breaking of f¨l˝dh blades, further indicates that these were more fragile than other blades.al-Kind@ ı uses the term purification in the context of crucible steelmaking, applied to the action of melting certain matters, presumably the carboniferous material, together with the iron (Allan 1979, 74).
Ibn Sa'@ ıd describes the steelmaking industry in Seville during the first half of the 13th century as manufacturing f¨l˝dh, stating that the quality of this material was excellent (al-Maqqar@ ı 1949, 202).As he, when describing other centres of steelmaking such as Almeria and Murcia, uses the term h≥ ad@ ıd, this perhaps indicates that the f¨l˝dh produced in Seville was of higher quality, and that he therefore named it applying its specific term.Another possibility is that Seville was the main centre for the production of f¨l˝dh in al-Andalus under Almohad rule, as it was the Andalus@ ı capital and most important town during this time period, and that the author for this reason disregarded minor centres producing crucible steel.As we have seen, al-Zuhr@ ı described the production of steel in Seville already in the late 12th century, using the term al-hind, and this is seen as an indication to the continuity in the manufacture of crucible steel.When the city was taken by Ferdinand III of Castile in 1248, this event marked the peak of Castilian expansion, and at present, we cannot be certain whether the manufacture of Indian steel continued after the Christian conquest.It is relevant, however, that one of the possessions left by King Peter I of Castile to his son in his will, was a Moorish sword that the king had had made sword for himself in a Sevillan workshop, sometime before his death in 1362 (Ferrandis Torres 1943, 147), which likely implies that Muslim or converted Muslim bladesmiths were still working in the city in the middle of the 14th century.

Watered steel
Knowledge of watered steel existed in al-Andalus as well, this indicated by a few Andalusi references to the material.However, there is as yet no firm literary evidence indicating the production of watered steel in Spain.Ibn Sa'@ ıd, as we have seen earlier, mentions that f¨l˝dh was produced in Seville during the first part of the 13th century, but it is not clear whether he specifically refers to blade patterns, as the term used in connection with f¨l˝dh, daq˝'iq, has an ambiguous significance.The Andalus@ ı Arabic daq˝÷iq/daq@ ıq does according to Corriente (1997, 181) mean [fine-ground] grain, which could support Zak@ ı's interpretation of the passage (Zak@ ı 1955, 295), who was in no doubt that the term indicated watering.However, Gayangos reads 'sharp-edged' (al-Maqqar@ ı 1840, 94), for which Lane (1984) provides an example.According to the latter, sayf daq@ ıq al-mad≥ ribi means, 'a sword thin in the edge, or in the part next to the point' (Lane 1984 I, 896).Earlier Middle Eastern authorities describe watering either as jawhar or firind.Ibn Hudhayl in 14th century Granada, discusses the characteristics of blades with watering applying the term jawhar, and several allusions to patterns and lustre of blades can be found in the poems related to arms and armour quoted by him (Ibn Hudhayl 1924, 232).It should be mentioned here, that Ibn Hudhayl describes the lustre (utur) appearing in the surfaces of, apparently, polished blades, when these were flexed (Ibn Hudhayl 1924, 232).This means that not all references to 'lustrous' in connection with blades necessarily imply watered steel.
If Zak@ ı's interpretation is right, daq˝'iq/daq@ ıq in this context would be an additional term designated for describing the watering.Before we can draw any other conclusions in relation to this passage, further written or archaeological evidence has to come to light.
Al-Bir¨n@ ı noted when discussing crucible steel production, that the f¨l˝dh could be either with or without watering (Allan 1979, 75).Regardless of whether f¨l˝dh manufactured in Spain had watering or not, the international arms trade, which already in early Islamic times s pa nn e d f r om Ch in a t o th e I be r i a n pe n in su la , p a s s in g e i t  (al-Hassan and Hill 1986, 255).It is therefore quite probable that the first Arabs who settled in the Iberian peninsula already in the 8th century, brought such blades.

Cast iron
Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝r states that d¨s≥ is the water of iron (ma' al-h≥ ad@ ıd), and that some authors believe it to be iron dross, while others that is the water in which one quenches hot steel (Dozy 1881 I, 653).Allan (1979) concluded that d¨s≥ in some cases likely describes cast iron, but as no clear information in relation to this term has yet been offered by the Andalus@ ı literary sources, it is not possible to tie in with Allan's discussion.Therefore, there will be no attempt to deal with the term in the present work.

CONCLUDING REMARKS
Based on the examination of early written sources, the discussion of this paper has produced evidence for the scholarly and practical knowledge of iron and steel technology, as well as uses for different ferrous alloys in al-Andalus and Castile between ca 950-1400.The Iberian peninsula was, during the time period ca 700-1500 very important in terms of technological overlap.There are both Andalusi and Castilian literary references to the employment of iron and steel technology similar to that noted in the rest of Europe, as expected.This includes the direct smelting of steel, and the manufacture of iron-steel composites.Additionally, written sources have provided information of a character that has facilitated the interpretation of Persian and Arabic terms for material qualities.
Some conclusions have been made with regard to terms for iron and steel qualities in the above mentioned written sources.Hȃd@ ıd is the Arabic generic term for iron-carbon alloys, and its Castilian counterpart is hierro/fierro.The only occurrence of shab¨rq˝n known so far is that by Ibn al-Bayt≤ ˝r in the 13th century, but as he mentions its Arabic counterparts, this has led to the conclusion that the significance is that of directly smelted steel, ie the Castilian azero/açero.
The research for this paper has yielded evidence highly relevant to the discussion of crucible steel (ie Indian steel) manufacture in the early Islamic world.It is viewed as most likely, that objects made of crucible steel were introduced to the Iberian peninsula with the Islamic conquest, ie between ca 711-720, as the material was widespread in the Near and Middle East long before the dawn of Islam.It is possible, in fact, that the material reached the peninsula even before the Islamic conquest, by means of long-distance trade.We should however be cautious as to claim indigenous crucible steel manufacture in Iberian peninsula already in the 8th century, as there is no literary or archaeological evidence to support this.
Even though the use of Indian steel armour pieces is indicated already in the late 10th century in al-Andalus, it is first in late 12th century Seville, the Andalus@ ı capital of the Almohads, that the manufacture of this alloy is confirmed, by the Andalusi author al-Zuhr@ ı.We can further note continuity in this industry, as Ibn Sa'@ ıd refers to the production of f¨l˝dh in the same city, in the early to mid-13th century.Some forty years after Seville had fallen to the Christians, an event taking place in 1248, a Castilian source provides evidence for the production of Indian steel or alhinde in Ceuta, North Africa, just across the Straight of Gibraltar from the mainland of present Spain.The written evidence here examined pin-point two centres of Indian steel manufacture, ie Seville and Ceuta, but these were most likely not the only centres for this industry in al-Andalus.
Crucible steel was thus manufactured by Muslims in al-Andalus, and Christians on the Iberian peninsula were also familiar with this material, even though it is not yet clear whether this material was produced and/or worked by them as well.The application of Indian steel in al-Andalus is noted in the manufacture of weapons, specialised cutting tools, surgical instruments and mirrors.
The examination of written evidence, indicates that authors of early works on iron and steel did most likely not have personal practical knowledge of the materials and processes they were describing, and more often than not, their information was partly derived from other, earlier authors.Thus, the fact that a treatise was written at a certain locality, does not necessarily imply that the described technology existed there.The significance of this is that practical metallurgical knowledge did not travel with treatises.On the other hand, references to sites, employing specific terms for describing the iron alloys produced, give indications with regard to metallurgical processes applied at a certain site.
Ma r c o Po lo n o te s a t th e e nd o f t he 1 3 th c e n t ur y, th a t i n K uh -ba n˝ n i n Ki r m˝ n, ' t he r e is muc h ir o n a n d s te e l a n d o nd an iq u e , a nd t h e y ma ke s te e l mi r r o r s o f g r e a t si z e a n d b e a ut y' ( Yu le a n d Co r di e r 1 9 75 I , 1 25 ) .Th e a ut ho r s no te th a t Ma r c o Pol o c o n se qu e nt ly u s e s t h e e xp r e ss io n ' st e e l a nd o nd an iq u e ' , w hi c h , a c c o r d in g t o th e m mo st li ke l y in di c a t e s th a t t h is w a s hi s p e r c e pt i on o f t he Pe r s ia n P ¨l ˝d -i -Hu nd w˝n i, i e I nd ia n s te e l ( Y ul e a nd Co r d ie r 1 97 5 I , 93 ) .
he r o ve r Ba s ≤ r a a n d th e G ul f o r th r o u gh E gy pt a n d th e Re d Se a ( E l go od 1 9 93 , 1 04 ) , s u r e ly br ou gh t s uc h b la de s t o t he p e n i ns ul a a t a n e a r ly d a te .Fur th e r mor e , A r a b s h a d k no w le dg e o f a n d u se d w a t e r e d st e e l b la d e s a l r e a d y i n pr e -I sl a mic ti me s , a s i n di c a t e d i n a p oe m b y I mr u a l -Qa ys ( c a 45 0 A D) , w he r e he d e s c r i be s t he w a t e r in g o f a c e r ta i n sw o r d a s ' a p pe a r i ng t o b e l ik e tr a c k s o f a n ts ' .Hi s c on te mpo r a r y Aw s b .H a j a r d e c l a r e d, t ha t ' a b la de o f t ha t k in d i s li k e a po n d wi t h wa vy st r e a ks c a u s e d by the wind'